Carter earns
‘nobel’ award
By Zbigniew Brzezinski
and Stuart E. Eizenstat
THE WASHINGTON POST
The long-delayed and much deserved Nobel Peace Prize
for Jimmy Carter is the right occasion to review his presidency.
It is often said that second-term presidents – no
longer concerned about reelection – tend to be bolder
and more innovative. Carter acted from the start as if
he was a second-term president, tackling issues where
other presidents had feared to tread while remaining indifferent
to the political calculus.
Conviction, not expediency, and principle, not politics,
defined his presidency. The result – his eventual
electoral defeat notwithstanding – was a string
of accomplishments with long-term effects from which we
still benefit today. Carter’s staff used to joke
ruefully that the worst way to influence a decision was
to argue that it would help him politically. But this
freed him to act boldly, even though it might be politically
unwise.
He was the first U.S. president to state unambiguously
that the Palestinians deserved “a homeland”
in a peace treaty that would ensure Israel’s security.
Together with his emphasis on halting settlements in the
West Bank and Gaza, this assertion created a political
firestorm, and it took more than a decade before another
president dared to say that a Palestinian state should
be part of a peace settlement. But Carter did not stop
with words. He showed at Camp David that only with direct
presidential involvement can peace be achieved in the
Middle East, pressing both Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat
into compromises that made an Israeli-Egyptian peace possible.
Carter was manifestly impatient with historical anomalies
that had outlived their day. He rammed through the Panama
Canal Treaty, even though conservative Republicans accused
him of a giveaway. Yet without that treaty the canal today
would be far less secure and our relations with Latin
America far less positive. He also insisted on normalizing
relations with China and on conducting the negotiations
directly from the White House to insulate the process
from lobbying. Twenty years later, U.S.-Chinese relations
are a stable.
Some scoffed at two major breaks Carter made with the
past in U.S.–Soviet relations. Some thought it a
case of naive idealism or misguided meddling in the affairs
of other states. Yet by raising the standard of human
rights, he put the Soviet Union on the ideological defensive.
His human rights initiative emboldened dissident movements,
such as Solidarity in Poland, which eventually undermined
the Soviet bloc.
Carter’s views on defense matters were just as politically
controversial. He concluded, years ahead of others, that
the
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U.S. and Soviet arsenals were irrationally large. Although
he settled for limited reductions in the SALT II agreement,
and was taken to task for publicly advocating deep cuts,
the latter is now accepted as common sense and has formed
the basis for both the Reagan and recent Bush arms controls
agreements. But he reversed the post-Vietnam decline in
defense spending in order to modernize U.S. weaponry and
rapid-reaction forces.
He was equally decisive and politically fearless in his
domestic agenda. He removed price controls on natural gas
and oil and developed an energy plan that encouraged conservation
and production of both traditional fossil fuels and new
alternatives. By taking on the auto industry and getting
Congress to require a fleet-wide fuel-efficiency average
of 27.5 miles per gallon by 1985, he made the nation much
more energy-efficient. No president since has been willing
to follow his lead, and as a result our dependence on Middle
East oil remains.
At the same time, he was the boldest environmental president
since Theodore Roosevelt, expanding the endangered species
list, protecting wetlands and opposing wasteful water projects.
He made transportation deregulation a top priority, over
the fierce objection of industry and labor. Airline deregulation
opened up airline travel to the middle class.
The Nobel Prize rewards a lifetime of good deeds that include,
in our admittedly partial view, Jimmy Carter’s four
short but important years as the 39th president.
Zbigniew Brzezinski was national security adviser and Stuart
E. Eizenstat domestic policy adviser to Carter.
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